Story here; excerpts with some comments:
In the budget offices of the right, the loss of Olin, though long anticipated, is bringing a stab of anxiety, as total annual giving of up to $20 million disappears from think tanks, journals and academic aeries....
Mr. Piereson [longtime director of the Olin Foundation] says that one Olin secret is plain to see: its interest in abstract ideas, removed from day-to-day politics....As a result, Mr. Piereson is spending his last months in office promoting a route to political influence - intellectual armament - as unlikely as it has been effective. "The ideas have to be tended to," Mr. Piereson said. "Only after that can you tend to the policies."
The only redeeming aspect of the Olin Foundation's history is that, at least with law schools, they gave the money and stayed away. That meant the liberals like Ian Ayres (Yale) and Gillian Hadfield (USC) could feed at the trough, even if the conservatives outnumbered them.
Mr. Piereson said he had few specific expectations when he helped a little-known political theorist, Allan Bloom, create the democracy center in Chicago. But after a few years of high-brow seminars, Mr. Bloom wrote "The Closing of the American Mind," which topped best-seller lists in 1987 and inspired the continuing assault on campus liberalism.
I had forgotten that Olin had helped fund that silly book, with its comical misreadings of almost every major thinker in the history of moral and political thought. One of the ironies is that Bloom had not written the book with a popular audience in mind: it was his idea of scholarship. I recall buying it shortly after it came out--and before it became a coffee-table phenomenon--because I was, at the time, trying to size up the Straussian reading of Nietzsche. I was astonished to learn that Bloom had not intended the book for a popular audience; that was the only excuse I could think of for the low level of scholarship and argument. Of course, at that time, I still did not realize the appallingly low intellectual level of most of what was produced by the Straussian cult.
The foundation's staff was similarly surprised when a $25,000 grant to an obscure social scientist, Charles Murray, helped revolutionize the welfare debate. Conservatives had long attacked poor people as abusing welfare programs. Mr. Murray's 1984 book, "Losing Ground," attacked the programs as abusing the poor by diverting them from work and marriage. By equating cutting with caring, Mr. Murray helped conservatives lay claim to the mantle of compassion as they pushed tough new welfare laws.
Was the Olin Foundation concerned, one wonders, that Mr. Murray's book was demolished by those actually concerned with evidence? Of course not: because it was never really about the "ideas" or their merits.
Much of Olin's giving has centered on law schools, reflecting Mr. Piereson's belief that they disproportionately shape public life. A $20,000 grant in 1982 helped law students organize a conference, and one of the most influential legal groups of the 20th century emerged, the Federalist Society.
The society now has chapters at almost every law school, and a swarm of alumni in the Bush administration dedicated to what the group calls limited government and judicial restraint. "It's not clear whether we would have existed without Olin's support," said Eugene Meyer, the society's president.
Even more influential has been Olin's support of the law and economics movement, which has transformed legal thinking. Its supporters say that economic tools, like cost-benefit analysis, bring rationality to the law, while critics warn that the focus on economics can cheat notions like fairness that defy quantification.
Only journalists could write that economic analysis brings "rationality" to the law. (On some of the oddities--dare I say "irrationalities"?--of economic analysis, see here and here.) It is probably worth noting, though, that the impact of economic analysis of law outside the legal academy has been negligible. The only area of law in the real world it has altered is antitrust. In torts--its other main target--it has had almost no impact on what courts do. This reminds me of a study Deborah Merritt (Ohio State) did a number of years ago in which she found that the articles most cited by legal scholars--articles in Critical Race Theory and law-and-economics--were cited at most once, and most often not at all, by the courts.
Olin has spent $68 million on law and economics programs, including those at Harvard, Yale, Stanford and the University of Chicago. "I saw it as a way into the law schools - I probably shouldn't confess that," Mr. Piereson said. "Economic analysis tends to have conservatizing effects."
The foundation has had its disappointments. Olin spent more than $500,000 each at Duke and the University of Pennsylvania for programs in law and economics that it discontinued, saying they had failed to have a sufficient impact.
That they gave any money to Duke for law and economics strongly suggests that the Olin Foundation had little idea what it was doing, that it was more beguiled by the institutional aura than by any awareness of the kind of scholarly work being done at the institution. It is not just that Duke has been the weakest of the top law schools for a long time--that is no news to anyone--but that it has been especially weak, of all the top law schools, in economic analysis of law.
And not every donation has gone toward erudition. A $5,000 grant helped the journalist David Brock write his 1993 book, "The Real Anita Hill," in which he elaborated on his incendiary charges that impugned the character of Ms. Hill, the critic of Justice Clarence Thomas. Breaking with the right, Mr. Brock later apologized.
This, too, is a giveaway as to the Foundations' actual commitment to the intellectual arena.
Comparing [the various conservative foundations] with an equal number of liberal foundations, including Ford and MacArthur, Mr. Piereson found that the right spent $100 million a year to the left's $1.2 billion. "You don't have to have a lot of money to drive the intellectual debate," Mr. Piereson said.
Especially when your "ideas," such as they are, help the rich and powerful get richer and more powerful.
As for ideas, Mr. Piereson has a new one. He is hoping to start an initiative to counter liberal influence in academia. Liberal academics "don't like American capitalism, American culture, and they don't like American history - they see it as a history of oppression," he said. "There are some people who are prepared to spend large sums of money to address this problem."
Perhaps they could hire Brown Shirts to solve the "problem"?
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