The conclusion of my last posting on the scandal of Thomas Nagel's endorsement of an incompetent book by a Discovery [sic] Institute shill appears to have introduced a misunderstanding of the position I was articulating. The political philosopher Chris Bertram (Bristol), after discussing the topic with some colleagues, kindly called the matter to my attention:
You have taken Thomas Nagel to task, first for recommending a book on evolution that lends some respectability to ``intelligent design'' and then for writing a somewhat unsatisfactory letter in his own defence.
My initial sympathies were entirely with you, but I've come to entertain doubts and I've picked up that they are shared by some other philosophers. The doubts don't concern the validity of ID, whether ID ought to be considered ``science'', whether the book Nagel recommended is any good (I'm assuming not and I'm never going read it to find out), or whether your characterization of Nagel's letter is accurate (it is). Rather, they are about the disciplinary stance of your remarks and the suggestion that we should be careful what we say ``in front of the children.''
We live in a highly politicized world and a highly mediatized one, and one where almost any remark is liable to be reproduced and circulated for bad purposes on the internet. Philosophers often discuss topics in terms, and using examples, that could sound really bad if turned into a sound bite. Should we therefore cease debating cannibalism, the morality of torture, the fundamental equality (or not) of human beings, whether old people should be left to suffer and die because younger and fitter people would use the resources better, euthanasia and abortion? The latter two examples are expecially pertinent because there is a well-known philosopher, of similar rank to Nagel, whose remarks have been seized upon by "culture wars"" lobbyists. Back in 2004, I posted at CT , deploring a review published in PPA that attacked ``left libertarians'' on the grounds that, by endorsing the idea of self-ownership, '' they may well give up more than they bargain for in the public relations battle for the hearts and minds of those in the murky center of American politics.''
Considerations of how things play in that murky zone just ought not to count as any kind of a reason in philosophy. But maybe your thoughts about what Nagel should and shouldn't do only concern his conduct as a ``public intellectual'' and not as a philosopher - though that's not the clear sense I get from your latest. I, for one, would welcome a clarificatory post from you.
Since I agree with Professor Bertram's remarks, I am grateful for the invitation to clarify my point (and it raises some issues I touched on long ago, back when I lived in Texas and was in the thick of the battle over wrecking the biology curriculum in the public schools). I can sum up my actual position in two propositions:
(1) It was extremely irresponsible--a product of some mix of ignorance, arrogance, and laziness--to endorse and thus give crediblity to an incompetent and misleading book, something no one informed about the issues would have done (that was the point of most of the links in my original posting).
(2) Nagel's irresponsibility on this score is especially reprehensible in a context in which his fame, and the credibility he has tried to confer on a snakeoil salesmen, will obviously be used for pernicious ends, in this case, undermining the biology curriculum in the public schools, which is the raison d'etre of the Discovery [sic] Institute and its conmen.
The much harder cases, on which I took no position, would be those in which something like (1) doesn't hold, that is, where philosophers are staking out and arguing for defensible positions on the merits, but doing so might have deleterious consequences for others. (The issue arises more often in science, and what the right answer is is tricky--see, e.g., Philip Kitcher's paper on "The Ends of the Sciences" in The Future for Philosophy volume I edited [OUP, 2004] for a useful discussion.) In general, considerations pertaining to the values of academic and intellectual freedom should counsel in favor of a wide latitude for subjects and methods of scholarly investigation. As I noted in the earlier item, commenting on Nagel's letter:
No one objects to challenging the explanatory completeness of physics, or to asking whether physicalists can explain consciousness, or whether naturalism is the correct meta-philosophy (lots of philosophers, as we recently learned, reject it, yet you can count on one hand the 'target' faculty who would pal around with the ID conmen at the Discovery [sic] Institute). What people are objecting to is lending credibility to individuals and groups whose goal it is to undermine the integrity of biology education for children.
But the latter is all Nagel has accomplished by irresponsibly endorsing bad work by an intellectually dishonest person. A cleaner case for Professor Bertram's question would be the recent work by Jerry Fodor arguing that the notion of "selection for" in Darwin's theory of natural selection doesn't make sense (more here). There's obviously a chance that Fodor's work will be put to bad use by bad people, but that is not a reason for him not to think about these issues. Fodor (and his co-author) have developed an actual argument and raised philosophical questions about causation in the theory of natural selection that warrant (and have received, and will receive) answers. If Fodor turns around and starts endorsing work riddled with scientific and technical mistakes by Discovery [sic] Institute shills, he will deserve (and no doubt receive) the same kinds of criticism directed at Nagel. (Unsurprisingly, by the way, I've heard from only one philosopher, a lifelong friend of Nagel's, willing to even suggest his position was defensible on the merits. Friendship is a virtue, of course!)
UPDATE: This is aptly put: "Of course there can be serious academic discussion of thorny problems. And serious scholars should be able to defend unconventional and even unpopular positions with no more harm to their reputations than what they garner from the quality, or lack thereof, of their arguments. But if you want to, say, dispute common wisdom on the roots of the Holocaust, you don't do that by taking to the popular press to issue an endorsement of a deceptive book by some Holocaust denier."
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